Both regions share surprising common ground and mutual lessons as they forge a novel interregional partnership.
What do the Nordic countries and Central Asia have in common? More than meets the eye. At first glance, Scandinavia’s prosperous democracies and Central Asia’s young, post-Soviet republics seem worlds apart in governance and development. Yet recent developments suggest these two regions are discovering shared interests and complementary strengths. Central Asia’s leaders have been busy deepening regional coordination among themselves and engaging outside powers as a united bloc. In an era where groupings like the G7, EU, and even BRICS dominate global affairs, the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) are increasingly acting in concert to boost their collective influence. Now, an unexpected dialogue is on the horizon: Central Asian diplomats are proposing a “C5+5” forum with the five Nordic countries – a platform that could bridge these distant regions. This initiative holds more promise than one might expect, offering Nordic and Central Asian nations a chance to learn from each other’s experiences and advance shared goals.
Quick Insights:
- Central Asia’s Cooperation Renaissance: After decades of division, Central Asian republics now meet annually to coordinate on trade, transit, water and security, boosting intra-regional trade by over $11 billion since 2019. This newfound unity has paved the way for collective engagements with external partners, dubbed “C5+1” formats.
- Nordic Interest Emerges: Inspired by these developments, Nordic countries are exploring a “C5+5” partnership with Central Asia. Despite vast differences, both regions share common threads – from close cultural ties within their regions to experiences balancing larger powers – that make dialogue beneficial.
- Political Impact: A formal Nordic–Central Asia dialogue could amplify Central Asia’s global voice and offer the Nordics a new avenue to promote stability, democracy, and regional integration in Eurasia. It also lets Nordic states glean insights on handling giant neighbors (think Russia and China) from Central Asia’s playbook.
- Economic Opportunities: The economic stakes are high. Nordic expertise in renewable energy, technology, and sustainable development aligns with Central Asia’s needs as it diversifies beyond oil and gas. Nordic firms – from energy giants to tech innovators – eye emerging markets in Central Asia’s 83-million-strong region, while Central Asian exporters seek new partners in the robust Nordic economies.
- What’s Next: As Central Asia’s profile rises on the world stage, a C5+5 summit could materialize, focusing on green energy projects, trade corridors, and governance exchanges. Success could spur Central Asia toward a formal regional union, with Nordic cooperation as a guiding model.
Key Developments: A New Era of Cooperation
Central Asia’s Regional Renaissance: A remarkable shift has swept Central Asia in recent years, transforming it from a set of insular post-Soviet states into an increasingly cohesive regional bloc. For much of the first quarter-century of independence after 1991, the five “Stans” often turned inward – jealously guarding sovereignty, settling national identities, and sometimes defining themselves in opposition to one another. Early attempts at regional cooperation largely fizzled. However, today Central Asian leaders meet in annual summits to coordinate policies on critical shared issues: trade, transportation routes, energy grids, water sharing, ecology, and security. This revived spirit of cooperation is not just talk – it’s delivering tangible results. Intra-regional trade among Central Asian countries has surged by $11 billion from 2019 to 2024, indicating that neighbors are doing significantly more business with each other than before. Long-standing border disputes that once flared into conflict – such as between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – are finally being resolved directly by the parties themselves. Water resource management, historically a delicate tug-of-war between upstream and downstream states, is now addressed through joint frameworks aimed at balancing everyone’s needs. In short, Central Asia has entered a cooperation renaissance, realizing that unity brings strength in negotiating a rapidly changing world.
Engaging the World Together: This newfound cohesiveness is also changing how Central Asia deals with global powers. Instead of being pulled apart by competing outside influences, the region is increasingly engaging external partners as a collective. The so-called “Central Asia plus” formats – C5+1 dialogues – have proliferated. Over the past few years, the five Central Asian states have established joint platforms with at least ten major external partners, including individual countries and international organizations. They meet as a group (C5) plus one counterpart: for example, C5+1 with the United States (started in 2015), with the European Union (upgraded to a leaders’ summit in 2025), with China (inaugurated by President Xi Jinping in 2023), and with others like Japan, South Korea, India, and the Gulf states. Even Italy launched a C5+1 meeting – Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni sat down with all five Central Asian leaders in late 2023 to expand ties. These formats enhance Central Asia’s international visibility and bargaining power: by speaking with one voice where possible, the region can negotiate better terms and avoid the old game of great powers playing neighbors against each other. Notably, foreign powers are now engaging Central Asia without sowing intra-regional divisions, a stark contrast to the past.
Enter the Nordics – A Surprising New Dialogue: Building on this momentum, Central Asian diplomats are advancing a dialogue platform with an unlikely partner: the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). This would effectively create a C5+5 forum – five Central Asian and five Nordic states together. On the surface, these regions could not be more different. The Nordic nations are known for stable democracies, wealthy economies, and top rankings on human development and governance. Central Asian states, in contrast, are younger nations still grappling with authoritarian tendencies and economies often reliant on commodities. Geographically and culturally, they seem distant. So why pursue a Nordic–Central Asia partnership? Because both sides see untapped benefit in closer ties. Central Asians perceive the Nordic region as a model of successful regional cooperation and innovation – an inspiration for what closer Central Asian unity might achieve. The Nordic countries, for their part, have strategic and economic reasons to pay attention to Central Asia’s rapid changes. Despite the differences, there are striking commonalities: each region shares deep historical and linguistic bonds internally (Scandinavian languages link Nordic societies much like Turkic languages bind most of Central Asia, with outliers Finland and Tajikistan having separate linguistic roots). Both regions have experience maintaining unity despite not all members joining the same big alliances – a point of resonance for Central Asia. For example, until recently only Denmark was in both the EU and NATO, while other Nordics chose different paths (Finland and Sweden stayed neutral for decades and only joined NATO in 2023–24; Norway and Iceland are in NATO but not the EU). Similarly, Central Asian states have varied alignments: Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan join Russia-led blocs like the Eurasian Economic Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization, Tajikistan is in the CSTO but not the economic union, and Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan remain outside both. Yet these differences did not prevent the Nordics from decades of fruitful cooperation – a hopeful precedent for Central Asia’s own regional project. In short, the C5+5 idea recognizes that Nordic and Central Asian nations have more to learn from each other than it appears.
Nordic Model Meets Central Asian Ambitions: Central Asia’s interest in the Nordic region also stems from concrete needs. Facing the challenges of climate change and the imperative to diversify economies, Central Asian governments are keen to tap Nordic expertise in renewable energy, green technologies, and sustainable development. From harnessing wind power on Kazakhstan’s steppes to building smart cities in Uzbekistan, Nordic know-how could help Central Asia leap forward. Additionally, as countries like Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan undertake domestic reforms to modernize governance and improve social services, the Nordic model of robust welfare states, transparency, and innovation offers inspiration (even if full Nordic-style democracy is a distant goal). In turn, what’s in it for the Nordics? Central Asia is a fast-evolving region at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, rich in natural resources like oil, gas, minerals, and increasingly important as a transit corridor. Nordic economies, though small in population (28 million combined, about 0.35% of the world’s people), punch above their weight with 1.8% of global GDP and world-leading companies. They stand to gain access to new markets and critical materials by engaging Central Asia’s 83 million consumers (over 1% of world population) and its untapped economic potential (currently only ~0.3% of global GDP). There’s also a geostrategic angle: Europe – including the Nordic states – is recalibrating relations with Asia amid great-power shifts. The European Union’s first-ever Central Asia summit in April 2025 underscored the region’s rising strategic importance. As the EU collectively pledged a new strategic partnership with Central Asia to foster resilience and connectivity, individual European countries don’t want to be left behind. Nordic foreign ministries, recognizing Central Asia’s dynamism, see a C5+5 framework as a way to support European goals while carving out a distinct role leveraging Nordic strengths (like education, gender equality initiatives, and digital governance). Crucially, Central Asia also offers the Nordics something more intangible but invaluable: lessons in managing relations with giant neighbors. The Nordic nations, sitting in Russia’s shadow and economically intertwined with China’s markets, are keenly interested in how Central Asians navigate Moscow’s influence and Beijing’s expanding footprint. That mutual understanding – small states coordinating to deal with big powers – could be a foundation of frank dialogue in a Nordic–Central Asia forum.
Political Impact and Outlook
Strengthening Regional Voices: If the envisioned Nordic–Central Asia (C5+5) dialogue comes to fruition, it could significantly amplify Central Asia’s political clout on the world stage. Speaking as a united regional voice alongside the influential Nordic bloc, Central Asian leaders would gain new diplomatic channels to assert their interests. This matters in global forums: a cohesive Central Asia engaging partners on equal footing helps shed the region’s past image as a peripheral backwater divided by rival powers. By formalizing a high-level dialogue with the Nordics, Central Asia would continue its evolution into an actor that foreign governments must approach with respect for regional unity. It also sets a valuable precedent – showing that Central Asia is open to partnership with a diverse range of countries beyond the usual great powers. Politically, the Nordics could become important advocates for Central Asia in European institutions. For example, Sweden, Finland, and Denmark as EU members (and Norway and Iceland closely aligned with EU policies) can champion greater EU investment or favorable trade arrangements for Central Asia, leveraging the trust built via C5+5 talks. The Nordic states also bring moral authority in areas like good governance, anti-corruption, and human rights. While Central Asian regimes are not liberal democracies, a respectful dialogue with the Nordics might gradually encourage reforms. Nordic diplomats will likely tread carefully, offering support for things like judicial reforms or anti-corruption efforts in Central Asia without preaching. Over time, this could bolster political stability and rule of law in the region, creating a more predictable environment beneficial to all.
Balance of Power and Security: On the flip side, closer Nordic-Central Asian ties will be watched warily by some larger neighbors. Russia, in particular, has historically viewed Central Asia as within its sphere of influence, and China has become economically dominant across the region. A new C5+5 format that includes NATO members like Norway or recent NATO entrants Sweden and Finland might raise eyebrows in Moscow. However, this platform is not a military alliance, and both Nordics and Central Asians will likely emphasize that it’s about dialogue and development, not defense. In fact, Central Asian governments carefully balance relations with all sides – they will reassure Russia and China that engaging the Nordics is part of a multi-vector foreign policy, not a pivot against anyone. Politically, this stance could actually enhance Central Asia’s autonomy: the more partners they have, the less any single power can dictate terms. For the Nordic countries, having a direct line to Central Asian leaders offers a chance to diversify their foreign policy engagements amid global uncertainty. Issues like Afghanistan’s stability, counterterrorism, and trafficking could feature in discussions, as they affect Eurasian security and by extension European interests. The Nordic states, known for promoting peace and mediation, might even facilitate dialogue on sensitive regional conflicts (for example, offering good offices if tensions flare between any Central Asian neighbors).
Governance and Institution-Building: One of the most intriguing political consequences of deeper Nordic-Central Asia ties is the potential transfer of institutional know-how. The Nordics have a rich history of regional institutions – notably the Nordic Council (est. 1952), an inter-parliamentary body, and the Nordic Council of Ministers (est. 1971) coordinating government cooperation. Their model is deliberately light-touch: decisions by consensus, no supranational authority, and respect for each nation’s sovereignty. This could serve as a template for Central Asia’s own integration. So far, Central Asia lacks a formal regional organization of its five states – there is no equivalent of an EU or ASEAN for the Stans. As their cooperation deepens, leaders are considering whether to institutionalize it. Nordic experiences offer concrete lessons: for instance, a future “Central Asian Council” might be structured as a Council of Presidents (reflecting the strong presidential systems in the region) rather than a parliamentary assembly, mirroring how Nordic cooperation adapted to its context. The concept of “Nordic added value” – working together only where joint action yields more benefit than individual action – could translate into a guiding principle of “Central Asian added value” for identifying projects best pursued collectively. The political ideal of a shared Central Asian identity can also draw inspiration from the Nordics: Nordic citizens enjoy a passport-free zone and free labor movement since the 1950s, fostering a sense of regional kinship. Central Asia is now taking baby steps in that direction. In 2023, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan began allowing their citizens to visit each other with just national ID cards, dropping passport requirements. Uzbekistan is negotiating similar arrangements with Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov even floated the idea of a “Silk Road Visa”, a unified visa regime for Central Asia akin to Europe’s Schengen Area, to enable seamless travel for foreign tourists and locals alike. Such initiatives, if realized, would strengthen the political and cultural bonds among Central Asians, much as informal grassroots exchanges and student programs have long done in the Nordic region. The Nordics can encourage these steps by sharing how people-to-people ties and bottom-up cooperation (from academic exchanges to city partnerships) have underpinned their unity. Ultimately, a C5+5 dialogue isn’t just talk – it could actively shape the next phase of Central Asian institution-building, steering it toward a voluntary, sovereignty-respecting model that suits the region’s context.
Challenges and Neutrality: Both sides will need to navigate challenges to ensure this partnership remains mutually beneficial and politically neutral. The Nordic countries must remain cognizant of Central Asia’s sensitivities – these nations fiercely protect their sovereignty after a history of imperial domination, so any hint of an “interference” (for example, overly strident democracy lectures) could backfire. Conversely, Central Asian leaders will need to show they are truly committed to reform and openness, or Nordic enthusiasm could wane. Domestic politics in each Central Asian state differ – from Kazakhstan’s relative openness to Turkmenistan’s isolation – which might complicate arriving at common positions with the Nordics on some issues. However, the light, consensus-based nature of the proposed dialogue means no one is forced into uncomfortable commitments. In essence, the political outlook for Nordic–Central Asian engagement is cautiously optimistic: by focusing on areas of genuine mutual interest (regional connectivity, climate action, education, etc.), it can avoid ideological rifts and build trust over time.
Economic Impact and Outlook
Trade Corridors and Logistics: Economic opportunities are at the heart of the Nordic–Central Asia courtship. One immediate area of synergy is transport and trade connectivity. Central Asia sits on the “Middle Corridor” – a trans-Eurasian route linking China to Europe via Central Asia and the Caucasus, bypassing Russia. With Russia’s war in Ukraine disrupting traditional supply chains, this Middle Corridor has gained new significance for Europe as a stable land bridge to Asia. The Nordic countries, home to global shipping and logistics players like Denmark’s Maersk, have a stake in diversified trade routes. A closer partnership could see Nordic logistics expertise and capital funneled into improving Central Asian transport infrastructure – from modernizing railways and dry ports to streamlining customs along the corridor. Already, Nordic finance is inching in: the Nordic Investment Bank signed agreements enabling it to fund projects in Kazakhstan, eyeing sectors like transportation links, telecommunications, and renewable energy. For Central Asian nations, better connectivity means more trade not just with Europe but within their own region, reinforcing the economic integration trend. Some Nordic firms are exploring these opportunities; for instance, Finnish and Swedish companies specialized in digital solutions could help upgrade Central Asia’s customs and trade logistics systems (areas like digitized border control and e-government where Estonia and Finland excel). As overland trade between Europe and Asia expands, expect joint initiatives such as trade facilitation agreements or even new freight services co-developed by Central Asian rail companies and Nordic partners. This would directly benefit industries from Kazakh grain exporters to European machinery suppliers by cutting transit times and costs.
Energy and Green Technology: Another compelling economic linkage is in energy. Central Asia is richly endowed with oil, gas, and hydropower potential, but it’s also embracing renewable energy to future-proof its economies. Here, Nordic countries are world leaders. Kazakhstan, for example, aims to boost renewables’ share to 15% by 2030, and companies like Norway’s Scatec (a major solar and wind developer) have taken notice. In April 2025, the first Kazakhstan–Norway Business Council met in Oslo to map out cooperation; renewable energy was high on the agenda alongside aquaculture and logistics. Norwegian clean-energy firms discussed solar plant investments and technology transfer with Kazakh officials. The broader Central Asian region, from Uzbekistan’s sun-bathed deserts to Kyrgyzstan’s mountain rivers, is ripe for green energy projects – and Nordic companies (like Denmark’s wind turbine maker Vestas or Sweden’s battery pioneer Northvolt) are potential partners in these ventures. Nordic expertise can help Central Asia develop not only generation capacity but also the regulatory frameworks for sustainable energy and carbon trading markets. This creates commercial openings for Nordic engineering and consulting firms, while helping Central Asia reduce its carbon footprint. Beyond renewables, energy efficiency and grid modernization are needed across the region’s aging infrastructure – again an area where Nordic tech (like smart grids from ABB Hitachi’s Sweden operations, or Finland’s smart city solutions) could find markets. For Central Asian energy companies and governments, partnerships with Nordics bring not just investment but also credibility and high standards, which can attract further international funding.
Investments and Key Sectors: The C5+5 cooperation could unlock investment flows in several key sectors. Mining and resources are central to Central Asian economies, and Nordic companies have niche strengths here too. For instance, Sweden and Finland are renowned for mining equipment and sustainable mining practices, and Norway’s Nordic Mining ASA has expertise in mineral projects with environmental safeguards. In discussions with Kazakhstan, Norwegian investors showed interest in sustainable mining techniques for resource extraction – crucial as Kazakhstan is a top uranium and minerals producer. Agriculture and fisheries present another win-win: Central Asia has vast agricultural potential and needs modern processing and cold-chain logistics, whereas Nordic nations (particularly Norway and Iceland) excel in aquaculture and fish processing technology. Deals are already germinating – at the 2025 Oslo business forum, Norway’s Optimar talked with Kazakh partners about modernizing fish processing, and Norwegian aquaculture firms eyed Kazakhstan’s fisheries. Likewise, digital technology and innovation is a shared frontier. Central Asia’s youthful population is driving a digital boom (e.g. booming IT parks in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan’s tech hub in Astana), and Nordic countries are home to telecom giants like Sweden’s Ericsson and Finland’s Nokia, who could contribute to Central Asia’s 4G/5G rollout and digital governance systems. We could soon see Nordic-backed tech incubators in Almaty or Bishkek, nurturing startups that collaborate with Scandinavia’s innovation networks.
Opportunities and Risks for Companies: For Nordic companies, Central Asia represents frontier markets with significant long-term growth prospects. Sectors like construction and infrastructure (roads, rail, housing) are booming there – Swedish and Finnish construction firms, known for sustainable design, could find contracts in Central Asian smart city projects or clean water systems. Meanwhile, Central Asian businesses and state enterprises can seek partnerships or investments from the Nordics to increase their competitiveness. For example, Uzbekistan’s textile industry (already one of the world’s largest cotton producers) could attract Nordic textile and apparel brands interested in diversifying sourcing with an eye on ethical production. Nordic investment funds might also scout opportunities in Central Asia’s nascent startup ecosystems or finance sector. However, companies on both sides must be mindful of challenges. Regulatory and political risks in Central Asia – such as bureaucratic hurdles, corruption, or sudden policy shifts – can be daunting for foreign investors accustomed to stable, transparent environments. Nordic firms will likely move cautiously, perhaps initially through government-supported programs or multilateral institutions to mitigate risk. Competition is another factor: Chinese, Russian, Turkish, and Middle Eastern companies are already deeply entrenched in Central Asia. Nordic businesses will need to leverage their niche strengths (cutting-edge tech, high quality, sustainable practices) to carve out market share. Encouragingly, Central Asian governments are showing openness to diverse partners, implementing reforms to improve the investment climate. Kazakhstan, for instance, touts investor protection measures and special economic zones, while Uzbekistan has been liberalizing its economy and legal system. If progress continues, the confidence of risk-averse Nordic investors should grow.
Economic Outlook – Balanced but Positive: The economic outlook for a Nordic–Central Asian partnership is broadly positive, provided both sides take a realistic approach. We can expect gradual growth in trade and investment from a low base. Today, Nordic trade with Central Asia is fairly modest – overshadowed by the region’s commerce with China, Russia, or the EU at large. But targeted areas could see quick gains. For Central Asia, even small increases in Nordic trade or projects can be significant, bringing diversification and resilience. New joint ventures in renewable energy could help countries like Kazakhstan meet climate goals while generating jobs. Infrastructure collaborations could reduce landlocked Central Asia’s dependence on any single transit route or buyer for its exports. For the Nordics, successful projects in Central Asia could open doors to the broader Silk Road economies, positioning Nordic firms in emerging markets that will grow in importance as global economic gravity shifts eastward. There are also macroeconomic considerations: as Central Asia potentially integrates further (a common energy market, easier cross-border trade), it becomes a more attractive single market for outsiders. A scenario often discussed is the eventual creation of a Central Asian common market or union – akin to how the Nordic common labor market and passport union preceded deeper European integration. If that happens, Nordic investors would benefit from treating Central Asia as one large market rather than five separate ones. In essence, the Nordic–Central Asia economic story is one of untapped potential beginning to be realized. The path won’t be without bumps – reforms could stall, geopolitical crises could intervene – but the direction of travel is set toward greater engagement and mutual benefit.
Regional Spotlight: Kazakhstan Leads the Way
While all five Central Asian republics stand to gain from Nordic engagement, Kazakhstan often takes a leadership role in pioneering such ties. As the region’s largest economy and a diplomatic bridge-builder, Kazakhstan has actively courted Nordic interest. The recent Kazakhstan–Norway Business Council in Oslo (April 2025) was emblematic. It marked the first direct business forum between a Central Asian country and a Nordic country at this scale. High-level attendees – including Kazakhstan’s ambassador and Norway’s envoy for Central Asia – signaled strong political backing for economic cooperation. For Kazakhstan, Norway is an appealing partner: a fellow energy-rich nation that successfully diversified into renewables and high-tech industries. At the forum, Kazakhstan showcased investment opportunities spanning from renewable energy to agriculture. The presence of major Norwegian companies underscored commercial interest: renewable energy developer Scatec explored solar and wind project opportunities in Kazakhstan’s sunny plains; Cambi ASA discussed waste-to-energy and biogas solutions to support Kazakhstan’s green transition; Jotun, a leading paint and coatings firm, looked at expanding in Kazakhstan’s growing construction market; and Nordic Mining ASA talked about sustainable approaches to tap Kazakhstan’s abundant mineral resources. These discussions highlight how Kazakhstan is positioning itself as the gateway for Nordic businesses into Central Asia. The country’s well-developed transport infrastructure – including the sprawling Trans-Caspian International Transport Route that forms part of the Middle Corridor – was another selling point to the Nordics, who are keen to ensure their goods can traverse Eurasia efficiently.
Politically, Kazakhstan’s multi-vector diplomacy aligns well with Nordic sensibilities. Astana (recently renamed back to Astana from Nur-Sultan) has always balanced East and West, maintaining friendly ties with Russia, China, the West, and the Islamic world. Engaging the Nordics fits neatly into this balanced approach. Notably, Kazakhstan has spearheaded regional schemes like easing travel – it waived visas for many countries and champions the idea of a Silk Road Visa for Central Asia – which resonates with the Nordic experience of open borders. The successful outcome of the Oslo business council – with agreements to continue dialogue and pursue specific project MOUs – is likely to spur other Central Asian nations to ramp up their Nordic outreach. Uzbekistan, for instance, might host its own forum inviting Scandinavian tech firms to Tashkent, given its reformist drive and hunger for foreign investment. In this way, Kazakhstan’s proactive engagement serves as a trailblazer for the C5+5 concept, illustrating both the opportunities and how to navigate the challenges. This regional spotlight on Kazakhstan and Norway’s burgeoning ties showcases the broader narrative: pragmatic cooperation can flourish even between distant partners when interests align.
What’s Next?
With momentum building for a Nordic–Central Asia partnership, attention turns to how this vision can be realized and what the future might hold. In the near term, expect formal steps to kick-start the C5+5 framework. This could involve an initial meeting of foreign ministers or senior officials from the ten countries to set an agenda. Climate change is an early candidate for cooperation, as both regions prioritize sustainable development – a high-level “Green Growth and Innovation” forum could be a non-controversial start, focusing on renewable energy projects, water management, and climate-resilient infrastructure. Such a thematic meeting might even evolve into a regular working group, given shared interests in Arctic melt implications and Central Asian droughts.
Looking ahead, there is speculation of a full Nordic-Central Asia leaders’ summit in the coming year or two. If it happens, it would be a historic first, potentially hosted in a neutral location (perhaps a city like Helsinki or Almaty). This summit could formalize the dialogue mechanism with a joint declaration. Topics likely on the agenda include boosting two-way trade (perhaps setting a target to double Nordic-Central Asian trade in five years), agreements on cultural and educational exchanges (like scholarship programs for Central Asian students in Nordic universities and vice versa), and cooperation in regional crisis response (disaster relief training, given both Central Asia and the Nordics face natural disasters like earthquakes and avalanches).
On the Central Asian side, internal dynamics will influence next steps. If the C5 (Central Asian five) continue to strengthen their unity, they might establish a more structured regional body – possibly a Central Asian Council or secretariat – to coordinate not just Nordic ties but all their “C5+1” partnerships. The Nordics, with their decades of managing a Nordic Council without sacrificing sovereignty, could advise on this institution-building quietly behind the scenes. A tangible what’s next could be the launch of pilot projects: for example, a Scandinavian-funded solar farm in Uzbekistan, a joint Nordic-Central Asia business incubator in Kyrgyzstan, or a tourism initiative linking the Silk Road heritage with Nordic travel companies. Success of these early projects would build confidence and public support for deeper ties.
There are also global factors to watch. Central Asia’s importance is likely to grow as the geopolitical chessboard shifts – with Russia distracted and China’s Belt and Road evolving, Central Asians have more room to maneuver. The Nordics will weigh their engagement in light of broader European strategy; it’s possible we’ll see a coordination where the Nordic C5+5 complements the EU’s plans (for instance, aligning with the EU’s Global Gateway investments in digital and transport connectivity in Central Asia). Security cooperation might inch forward too: while neutral on alliances, Central Asians might welcome Nordic expertise in areas like border security and peacekeeping training, especially through the lens of international organizations (OSCE, where Kazakhstan and Sweden have both chaired, could be a platform).
In sum, the coming years could witness the transition of a C5+5 concept from idea to reality. If successful, this partnership might redefine interregional cooperation as a flexible, interest-driven approach connecting smaller nations across continents. For the people of Central Asia, it could bring improved livelihoods through sustainable development and stronger institutions. For the Nordic citizens, it offers a chance to influence and benefit from a region that is fast shedding its “forgotten” status. The next chapter in Nordic–Central Asian relations is poised to transform a novel diplomatic experiment into a lasting bond that underscores how in our interconnected world, even distant regions can find common cause.
